In September 1991, Ronnie entered South Side High School with the reputation of a struggling student. Not wanting to see Ronnie "frustrated" in college prep classes, his well-meaning counselor placed him in remedial reading and writing, general math, general science, and general social studies. The counselor also assumed that Ronnie would enjoy working with his hands, so wood shop was added to his program as an elective. The only Regents-level course^*  that Ronnie took was 9th grade Regents English.

The next year, Ronnie took general biology and consumer math—both courses represented the "low track"—as well as two college prep courses (Regents English and Regents social studies). However, when Ronnie failed the social studies course that year, he was demoted to the non-Regents track for both English and social studies in 11th grade, and he continued in low-track classes until he graduated. For this student, college prep was over.

Peter also entered South Side High School in 1991. Unlike Ronnie, who lived in the public housing project, Peter lived three blocks from the high school on an affluent avenue. In 9th grade he took Advanced Biology and Advanced Sequential II Mathematics, a geometry-based course. Because he had studied accelerated mathematics and science in the middle school, his senior year courses would include BC Calculus and International Baccalaureate (IB) Chemistry, Higher Level. While Ronnie pursued technology electives, Peter played in the school's woodwind ensemble. The two young men, who both attended the same middle school and lived in the same town, may have crossed paths in physical education classes, but they were unlikely to meet in any other class.

By September 2002, much had changed. In that year, Ronnie's neighbor, Tyrone, followed the same curriculum as Peter's next-door neighbor, Anna, including the 9th grade pre-IB English class. Because Tyrone's 8th grade test scores indicated that he would need academic assistance in English, he was assigned to a support class that met every other day. In the support class, his teacher worked with a small group of students to preteach and post-teach concepts from the challenging English 9 curriculum. Tyrone and Anna continued to follow this curriculum trajectory, and in 11th grade, both students took IB courses for English and history. Anna's elective courses were in art; Tyrone chose music. Both students declared themselves to be full International Baccalaureate diploma candidates in their junior year.

The advantages in the educational experiences of Tyrone over those of Ronnie are neither an example of extraordinary motivation nor the result of a gifted, young African American from a poor household having his talents uncovered by a caring mentor. They are not evidence of successful remediation, test prep, or improved preschool or reading programs. Rather, they are the result of a diverse suburban school district abandoning the practice of sorting and selecting students and choosing to put a rigorous curriculum in place for all students.

We believe that schools can improve if they are willing to re-examine and challenge traditional ideas about who should have access to the best curricula they offer. We believe that excellence and equity are compatible, and that schools that are willing to do the hard work of detracking with vigilance and care can effect remarkable improvements in learning for all students.

This book is intended to provide a guide for educators who are interested in understanding how schools can meet the challenge of providing both equity and excellence by eliminating the school-created structures that sort and select students, resulting in unequal educational opportunities. Throughout, we provide wisdom from our own experiences with tracking and detracking. We offer examples of the complexity of detracking reforms from the boardroom to the classroom, from meetings with teachers to meetings with parents. We share longitudinal data that demonstrate the efficacy of a detracking reform. Most important, we explain how schools can successfully undertake this complex reform that requires educators to examine and challenge their beliefs about intelligence, ability, and instruction. From our experiences as teachers, school leaders, and researchers, we have learned one simple truth: When a school community dismantles systems of educational stratification—whether they are called tracking, ability grouping, or leveling—remarkable benefits to students follow.

Endnote

^*  Regents courses are high school courses in New York State that follow a specified curriculum. Students take examinations at the end of each Regents course that, if passed, lead to a Regents diploma. The courses are generally regarded as college preparatory courses.